File Name: north africa politics region and the limits of transformation .zip
Over the last two decades, the king has spearheaded positive civil and political reforms, as well as formidable foreign policy and infrastructural changes. Most recently, the regime took swift and effective measures to control the initial spread of the COVID outbreak. Yet, deeply rooted socioeconomic and political challenges have fueled growing popular disillusionment with the regime and triggered numerous strikes and protests in recent years.
A quarter-century after sub-Saharan Africa experienced an upsurge of democracy, a different and more complicated political era has dawned. The expansion of liberal democracy has slowed in the continent just as it has globally.
The advance and retreat of democracy in Africa since the end of the Cold War have resulted in a new mosaic of political systems. Some of the most enduring systems of personal rule in the world can now be found in Africa, as the cases of Cameroon, Gabon, and Togo attest. Regimes that came to power by armed force, and have permitted restricted electoral competition, can crush political opponents with little harm to their external relationships. Such systems can be seen in Angola, Ethiopia, and Rwanda.
While the number of pure tyrannies has declined, those that persist—in Eritrea, Equatorial Guinea, and Gambia—are very resistant to external pressure. It is pertinent to reread arguments advanced by African historian and social theorist, Achille Mbembe, at the very start of the abertura in We are stymied in evaluating the prospects for African capitalism and democracy that are not simply acquisitions, or impositions, of elements drawn from western societies.
What have been key factors and forces, in retrospect, that critically influenced these processes? Finally, is democratic and constitutional governance likely to withstand the resurgence of authoritarianism?
Decades of political oscillation in Nigeria have contributed to the slowing of democratic momentum in the continent. Well ahead of the global democratic upsurge, a transition to multi-party democracy was carried out in Nigeria after almost 14 years of military rule. On December 31, , however, an elected government led by Shehu Shagari was overthrown in a military coup just months after being returned to power in highly flawed elections. For the next decade, the most populous country in Africa was kept on the sidelines of democratic progress in the continent.
When the vacillating military ruler, Ibrahim Babangida, finally allowed presidential elections to proceed in June —one of the best the country had ever known—it was abruptly annulled by his regime. Nigeria then succumbed to the tyrannical rule of General Sani Abacha, Altogether, it took 15 years before military rule was terminated in , a longer period than the first military era, — The former military ruler, Olusegun Obasanjo, who had overseen the democratic transition, returned as an elected president in However, he governed in an often arbitrary and unpredictable manner.
He even tried to have constitutional term limits to his presidency removed. Another major country that could have boosted democratization in the continent, namely South Africa, was also kept from doing so by its own leaders.
The transfer of power to an elected government in South Africa via nonracial elections in April was one of the great triumphs of global democracy in the late 20th century. After decades of arduous effort, during which a broad international movement bolstered the domestic struggle for nonracial democracy, the elimination of the apartheid system was accomplished without massive loss of life.
For example, when Mandela wanted to support the struggle against Nigerian dictator Sani Abacha, he was pulled back from doing so by his ANC colleagues, and especially his vice-president, Thabo Mbeki. The undeniable domestic gains in these domains have not translated into their advocacy and defense externally.
I have written elsewhere about other factors and forces that have impeded democratic progress in Africa, such as authoritarian modernization in Ethiopia and Rwanda. Also complicating the African political terrain has been the upsurge of jihadist violence. The September destruction of the World Trade Towers in New York City by al-Qaeda is usually cited as altering the global calculus of political order and security.
Not to be overlooked, however, is the earlier bombing of American embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in August And second, can competitive democratic systems yield authoritative and effective government? The work of several scholars is pertinent to these pursuits. I wish to signal here that of Richard Sklar. But communalism can persist and provide legitimacy to political orders. The resurgence of identity-based political mobilization is evident in many parts of the world and especially the Middle East.
Nigerian scholar, Adigun Agbaje, alerted us during the post abertura of exactly this challenge. Ethnicity is a potent force. If one desires African solutions to the democratic question, this point must be recognized…Greater attention must also be paid to political activities that occur outside formal institutions and emerge from below. The third Sklarian notion I will mention here is that all governmental systems are mixed and what is good in governance may not necessarily be democratic.
Today, these contentions have returned with renewed force. The primacy of political order, or the capacity to project force domestically and externally, is evident in the prominence achieved by authoritarian governments in Chad, Ethiopia, Rwanda, and Uganda. Within their respective regions, in continental fora, and in the global arena, attitudes towards these regimes are influenced by the fear of disorder and terrorist violence.
Their failings in democracy, the rule of law, and observance of human rights, while acknowledged, are more tolerated and even excused. In Burkina Faso formerly Upper Volta a long period of post-colonial instability ended with the seizure of power in August by a group of radically minded military officers led by Thomas Sankara.
They rose again when his presidential guard tried to remove a transitional government in September Popular uprisings can therefore still dislodge autocratic regimes in Africa as occurred in the early s. The last of these usurpers, Laurent Gbagbo, was dislodged by a coalition of domestic and external forces that included the former colonial power, France.
Gbagbo had refused to abide by the results of an election overseen by international agencies. In Senegal, Abdoulaye Wade did not mount a resistance to the same extent as Gbagbo, but his removal from power after elections in February and March similarly involved collaborative action by domestic opponents and external countries and agencies. The coup leaders, in turn, were forced to transfer power to an elected government in August Alone among the countries discussed here, Ghana and Zambia have not veered from the core constitutional provisions since their transitions to multiparty rule in and , respectively.
Ghana can be further distinguished from Zambia in that no overt attempt was made, although feared in and , to override such constitutional provisions. Two striking state- and democracy-building experiences in East Africa can be seen in Mozambique and Kenya.
After a bitter civil war, the two major adversaries in Mozambique were brought into a single political system as a result of sustained negotiations by external countries and agencies. Contrasting greatly with Angola, which also underwent a post-colonial armed struggle for power, the ruling party in Mozambique has not crushed or physically eliminated the opposition. Instead, after the renewal of hostilities, , the national compact was re-negotiated along with the re-division of the spoils of office.
The last two countries to be discussed here, Nigeria and Kenya, show how configurations of power can be renegotiated within a democratic constitutional framework. The transition in Kenya from a country in severe turmoil as a result of the electoral dispute and mass violence of , illustrates again the effective and timely contributions of external actors and agencies to restoring countries to a democratic path. As Nigeria approached the national elections, sustained external action was needed to tilt the balance in favor of a successful vote and the historic alternation in power from one national party to another.
Both countries also show the political significance of cultural and other identities, and the dispersion of power through a federal system in Nigeria and provincial entities in Kenya. The resurgence of authoritarianism did follow the democratic upsurge in Africa of the s. However, unlike North Africa, with the still precarious exception of Tunisia, constitutional and pluralist democracy has proven resilient in sub-Saharan Africa.
It was mentioned earlier that the political oscillations in Nigeria since have undermined democratization in the continent. These episodes demonstrate that the potential for combined democracy- and state-building in Africa is still considerable. The reconfiguration of power in Africa, while usually favorable to authoritarianism, is not necessarily so. As seen in several of the country cases discussed above, domestic and external coalitions can work creatively to help build state systems that are authoritative, effective, and accountable.
The blending of order, democracy, and inclusive development is a path still available, with appropriate external assistance, to the people of Africa.
In both instances power remained squarely with the military. See R. Bates, V. Mudimbe, and J. Stiglitz et al. It is pertinent to reread arguments advanced by African historian and social theorist, Achille Mbembe, at the very start of the abertura in We are stymied in evaluating the prospects for African capitalism and democracy that are not simply acquisitions, or impositions, of elements drawn from western societies. The waning of the democratic wave Related Books.
Golub , and Fatou Gueye. TechTank Lessons for online platform regulation from Australia vs. Facebook Mark MacCarthy. Post was not sent - check your email addresses! Sorry, your blog cannot share posts by email.
A quarter-century after sub-Saharan Africa experienced an upsurge of democracy, a different and more complicated political era has dawned. The expansion of liberal democracy has slowed in the continent just as it has globally. The advance and retreat of democracy in Africa since the end of the Cold War have resulted in a new mosaic of political systems. Some of the most enduring systems of personal rule in the world can now be found in Africa, as the cases of Cameroon, Gabon, and Togo attest. Regimes that came to power by armed force, and have permitted restricted electoral competition, can crush political opponents with little harm to their external relationships.
By the turn of the twenty-first century, the trend of entrenched leadership had spread across the region, spurring corruption, instability, societal fractures, and economic stagnation. But the trend may be reversing, in part due to sustained pressure by civil society groups and regional blocs. Many African countries struggled with transfers of power in their first half century after independence. More than a dozen other African heads of state have been in power for at least ten years. In August , Angolan President Jose Eduardo dos Santos stepped down after thirty-eight years in office, and in November of that year, Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe was forced from office after thirty-seven years by a military coup.
issues, North Africa: Politics, Region, and the Limits of Transformation is a major resource for all students of Middle Eastern Studies and North African Politics.
It began in response to oppressive regimes and a low standard of living , starting with protests in Tunisia. The importance of external factors versus internal factors to the protests' spread and success is contested. In many countries, governments shut down certain sites or blocked Internet service entirely, especially in the times preceding a major rally. The wave of initial revolutions and protests faded by mid, as many Arab Spring demonstrations met with violent responses from authorities,    as well as from pro-government militias, counter-demonstrators, and militaries.
Religion and social transformation in Africa: A critical and appreciative perspective 1. Obaji M Agbiji; Ignatius Swart. Religion constitutes an inextricable part of African society.
Beyond health risks, the COVID shock to African economies is coming in three waves: i lower trade and investment from China in the immediate term; ii a demand slump associated with the lockdowns in the European Union and OECD countries; and iii a continental supply shock affecting domestic and intra-African trade. It is shaking commodity-driven growth models that had largely failed to create more and better jobs or improve well-being. On the health front, greater capacities to test, protect, treat and cure are essential. On the socio-economic front, policy measures should cushion income and jobs losses, while tackling the specific challenges of high informality. Beyond the immediate response, recovery strategies should include a strong structural component to reduce dependence on external financial flows and global markets, and develop more value-adding, knowledge-intensive and industrialised economies, underpinned by a more competitive and efficient services sector.
We are an open Haus for innovation and a global liberal think-tank, with the aim of enhancing the values and goals of freedom worldwide. With our activities and publications, we encourage and support individuals in exercising their right of political participation. Our office is based in Amman, Jordan.
Most importantly, African. Within West Africa, freedom of movement gives little incentive, if any, to In regard to emigration from sub-Saharan Africa to Western Europe and the growth of the smuggling of migrants, the roots of the current situation really go back to the early s. However, the Gates. In West Africa, the virus spread through the networks that bind societies together in a culture that stresses compassionate care for the ill and ceremonial care for their bodies if they die. While the presence of Islam in West Africa dates back to eighth century, the spread of the faith in regions that are now the modern states of Senegal, Gambia, Guinea, Burkina Faso, Niger, Mali and Nigeria, was in actuality, a gradual and complex process.
The African Union AU is a continental body consisting of the 55 member states that make up the countries of the African Continent. The main objectives of the OAU were to rid the continent of the remaining vestiges of colonisation and apartheid; to promote unity and solidarity amongst African States; to coordinate and intensify cooperation for development; to safeguard the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Member States and to promote international cooperation. Through the OAU Coordinating Committee for the Liberation of Africa, the Continent worked and spoke as one with undivided determination in forging an international consensus in support of the liberation struggle and the fight against apartheid. The OAU had provided an effective forum that enabled all Member States to adopt coordinated positions on matters of common concern to the continent in international fora and defend the interests of Africa effectively. Agenda calls for greater collaboration and support for African led initiatives to ensure the achievement of the aspirations of African people. Skip to main content. About the African Union Share:.
Edward Dillery bio Yahia H. New York: Routledge, ISBN hbk , pbk , ebk.
Хейл теряет самообладание, и у него всего два выхода: выбраться из шифровалки или сесть за решетку. Внутренний голос подсказывал ей, что лучше всего было бы дождаться звонка Дэвида и использовать его ключ, но она понимала, что он может его и не найти. Сьюзан задумалась о том, почему он задерживается так долго, но ей пришлось забыть о тревоге за него и двигаться вслед за шефом. Стратмор бесшумно спускался по ступенькам.
Господи Исусе. Раздался телефонный звонок. Директор резко обернулся. - Должно быть, это Стратмор. Наконец-то, черт возьми.
Перепрыгнув через веревку, он побежал по ступенькам, слишком поздно сообразив, куда ведет эта лестница. Теперь Дэвид Беккер стоял в каменной клетке, с трудом переводя дыхание и ощущая жгучую боль в боку. Косые лучи утреннего солнца падали в башню сквозь прорези в стенах. Беккер посмотрел. Человек в очках в тонкой металлической оправе стоял внизу, спиной к Беккеру, и смотрел в направлении площади.
Очень хорошо. Сообщите, когда узнаете. Телефонистка поклонилась и вышла. Нуматака почувствовал, как расслабляются его мышцы. Код страны - 1.
Подобно крови, бегущей по жилам старого квартала Санта-Крус, они устремлялись к сердцу народа, его истории, к своему Богу, своему собору и алтарю. Где-то в уголке сознания Беккера звонили колокола. Я не умер.
Человек ослабил нажим, еще раз взглянул на прикрепленную к спинке кровати табличку с именем больного и беззвучно выскользнул из палаты. Оказавшись на улице, человек в очках в тонкой металлической оправе достал крошечный прибор, закрепленный на брючном ремне, - квадратную коробочку размером с кредитную карту.
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